10 American Businesses Trump Secretly Hates
It’s one thing for a political figure to clash with the media or a rival party. That’s expected. But when you’ve got a sitting or former president taking aim at universities, tech companies, law firms, art institutions, and even the NFL—all at once—it becomes something else entirely. Here’s a breakdown of 20 businesses and organizations Trump is currently feuding with, starting from the most high-stakes and revealing clashes.
Harvard University

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Trump’s beef with Harvard is more economic and operational than cultural. He froze $2.3 billion in federal research funding, blocked its ability to sponsor international students, and even tried to revoke its nonprofit status. His public justification: Harvard suppresses conservative views. Privately, critics say it reeks of something more personal. There’s long been speculation—never confirmed—that Trump was rejected from Harvard decades ago, and that perceived slight seems to have metastasized into a full-blown federal crusade.
Tesla

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Trump turned on Tesla with the precision of someone who knew exactly where to hit. By promising to cut EV subsidies and labeling green energy policies as scams, he struck at Tesla’s core growth strategy. Elon Musk, once loosely allied with Trump, responded by criticizing the new economic bill and hinting at flipping support to Democrats. The result? Trump threatened regulatory crackdowns and tariffs that spooked investors and led to a sharp stock drop. Tesla’s image as a politically bulletproof tech giant took a real hit here.
SpaceX

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While the Tesla drama unfolded in public markets, the SpaceX fallout is quieter—but maybe more dangerous. Trump threatened to reevaluate or cancel NASA and military contracts involving SpaceX, calling into question the company’s deep ties to federal agencies. For a business that relies heavily on government work, from launching satellites to managing parts of the Artemis program, this wasn’t just theater. It was a serious warning. SpaceX can’t Mars its way out of federal dependency, and Trump knows it.
New York Times

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Long his favorite punching bag, Trump’s relationship with the Times is about as toxic as it gets. He’s called them treasonous, filed lawsuits, and pushed for IRS audits. What’s different now is that he’s bundling them with other media targets as part of a broader anti-press campaign.
Planned Parenthood

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Trump’s renewed push against abortion access has brought Planned Parenthood back into his policy crosshairs. He’s not just talking about defunding anymore—he wants criminal referrals and state crackdowns. It’s part of a broader hard-right shift aimed at energizing his base.
Twitter/X

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His relationship with Elon Musk’s X platform is bizarre—he uses it occasionally, trashes it publicly, and continues to push Truth Social as the only “real” free speech app. There’s no real strategy here—just vibes and volatility. Musk hasn’t pushed back hard, but the tension is always simmering.
The Federalist Society

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This is like watching a band break up mid-tour. The Federalist Society helped craft Trump’s judicial legacy, feeding him judges and legal minds who reshaped the courts. Now, Trump’s openly attacking Leonard Leo, its most powerful figure, calling him a sleazebag after rulings didn’t go his way. That’s what makes this feud so revealing—it’s not just personal, it’s ideological. Trump’s only loyal to results, not institutions.
Perkins Coie

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Perkins Coie isn’t a household name, but in legal and political circles, it’s a powerhouse. Trump blacklisted them from federal contracts, claiming they supported Democratic schemes and worked against him in court. It’s part of a larger pattern of trying to punish law firms through government levers. One of Trump’s executive orders aimed at defunding such firms is already tied up in court—but the message landed.
CNN, ABC, CBS, NPR, PBS, and AP

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This isn’t new terrain for Trump, but it’s escalated. He’s moved from shouting “fake news” to threatening FCC license reviews, defunding public broadcasters, and banning outlets from press briefings entirely. NPR and PBS were singled out as being hostile to American values—whatever that means in 2025. It’s more than posturing; he’s testing the limits of state power over media access.
NFL

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You’d think this one would’ve died out, but no. Trump has rekindled his beef with the NFL—still angry about anthem protests, and maybe still bitter about his failed 1980s bid to own a team. He’s reignited boycott calls and used the league as a punching bag to energize conservative voters. The NFL isn’t changing policy, but it’s definitely not eager to get in his crosshairs again.
Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts

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Trump managed to politicize the Kennedy Center by purging its board, replacing them with conservative allies, and pushing religious programming into what was once a mainstream arts institution. The resignations that followed weren’t subtle. It’s part of a larger effort to reshape cultural spaces—and choke off federal funding to those that don’t get in line.
BlackRock

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BlackRock, the $10 trillion asset manager, became a villain in Trump’s playbook thanks to its embrace of ESG investing. He’s painted it as the puppet master of woke capitalism and pushed for SEC investigations into how it manages public pensions. This isn’t just bluster—it’s resonating in red-state treasuries, pulling out funds and shifting mandates.
World Economic Forum

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Trump turned down Davos invites, mocked WEF elites as globalist parasites, and essentially painted the entire organization as anti-American. His grudge here is long-standing, and in 2025, he’s turned it into a full brand stance. No polite rejections—just public takedowns. He’s betting that being anti-Davos plays better with voters than any polished photo op.
ACLU

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The ACLU has sued Trump over everything from immigration bans to surveillance policy, so his threats to revoke their nonprofit status aren’t surprising. But now he’s using IRS audits and DOJ probes to pressure them financially. It’s petty, yes—but also a playbook he’s repeated with any nonprofit that doesn’t play nice.
Disney

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It started with cultural flashpoints—LGBTQ+ characters, inclusive casting—but Trump made it personal. He’s called Disney a threat to childhood and blamed its leadership for pushing “leftist ideology.” There’s been talk of antitrust moves and even revoking some of its intellectual property protections. Sound wild? Maybe. But with Trump, weaponizing government agencies isn’t just theoretical.
Columbia University

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After campus protests and public criticism of international policies, Columbia found itself on Trump’s “anti-American” list. He threatened to pull funding and block student visas, echoing his Harvard playbook. Columbia’s leadership pushed back, but the chilling effect is real, and other universities are taking notes.
Meta (Facebook/Instagram)

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Trump’s been back on Meta’s platforms for months, but the grudge never faded. He’s still railing against shadowbans and claims of algorithmic bias, while simultaneously threatening regulation. It’s not about content anymore—it’s about power. And Meta, already bruised from years of public scrutiny, doesn’t want this fight.
YouTube (Google/Alphabet)

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Trump has accused YouTube of silencing election content and blocking conservative creators. He’s floated the idea of breaking up Google entirely. Unlike other feuds, this one hasn’t cooled. YouTube might’ve hoped reinstating his account would defuse tension—it didn’t. Trump sees Big Tech as both enemy and foil.
Ford

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Trump’s attacks on Ford have ramped up since they leaned into EV production and union cooperation. He’s accused them of taking Biden money while stabbing conservatives in the back. The irony? Ford didn’t even pick a side—they just didn’t pick Trump. And in this ecosystem, neutrality isn’t an option.
CREW (Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington)

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This watchdog group has dogged Trump for years, digging into his finances and conflicts of interest. Now, Trump’s trying to shut them down through IRS reviews and nonprofit challenges. It’s vindictive, sure—but also consistent. If you go after Trump, he comes after your funding.